PRESS RELEASE: Prostitution Clauses

POLICING AND CRIME BILL 2009

By the English Collective of Prostitutes
 Co-ordinators of the SAFETY FIRST COALITION

 

House of Lords, Thursday  5 November 2009.

 

Prostitution clauses in the Policing and Crime Bill come back to the Lords today. 

 

CLAUSE 14:  An offence of “Paying for sexual services of a prostitute subjected to force etc.”  was passed on Tuesday, when an amendment by Baroness Miller which would have removed the strict liability aspect of the offence, was defeated.

No serious consideration was given to the way in which it a) establishes a two-tier offence so that having sex with a woman in the sex industry who is forced will attract a much lesser sentence (a fine) than the existing offence of rape or sexual assault.) See Women Against Rape’s statement: http://www.womenagainstrape.net)  b) deprives the client of all legal defence as the offence is committed regardless of whether he “is, or ought to be, aware that any of [the sex worker’s] activities are controlled for gain” and undermines a fundamental principle of the law that “intention” is needed to prove guilt. Like with ASBOs where hearsay evidence was allowed to become commonplace, prostitution is being used to undermine fundamental rights, no doubt with dangerous consequences.

 The public consistently demonstrates its concern that sex workers’ are protected from violence, most noticeably in the aftermath of the Ipswich murders but also in the last few days where a poll found that 2/3 of people agreed that sex workers should be allowed to work together for safety.  In contrast the government’s spokesperson Baroness Scotland described sex workers as ‘damaged goods’; showing what they think of us -- first of all as ‘goods’ and then as ‘damaged’. 

CLAUSE 16:  Soliciting is persistent “if it takes place twice over a period of three months”. (proposed amendment by Baroness Miller)

Soliciting which takes place more than once in three months cannot be described as persistent and could more appropriately be called “occasional”. To label it as persistent shows an intention to criminalise. It makes a mockery of the abolition of the term common prostitute (Clause 16 (2) (a)) as it will bring no reduction in the number of women arrested. 

 

Criminal records prevent women from getting out of prostitution.  Women end up institutionalised as they cannot get other jobs, even when they are qualified for them.

CLAUSE 17: “Orders requiring attendance at meetings” – Compulsory “rehabilitation” under threat of imprisonment. (proposed amendment by Baroness Miller)

 

Compulsory rehabilitation was thrown out of the Criminal Justice and Immigration Bill a year ago.  Why is it being brought back?  Anyone arrested for loitering or soliciting would have to attend three meetings with a supervisor approved by the court. It is not an alternative to a fine as failure to comply may result in a summons back to court and an unspecified period in jail.  Women could end up on a treadmill of broken supervision meetings, court orders and imprisonment.  Imprisoning women goes against recommendations of the widely respected Corston report (March 2007).

 

CLAUSE 19: “Soliciting for the purpose of obtaining sexual services.” (proposed amendment by Baroness Miller, Lord Pannick)

 

The Bill removes the only safeguard against false arrest.  Why give police such wide powers? Kerb-crawling is an offence if it is “persistent”.  Removing the requirement to prove “persistence, annoyance or nuisance” would increase police powers to arrest anyone on ‘sus’.  Victims of institutionalised police racism and other prejudice are likely to be targeted.  With a conviction rate for reported rape at a shameful 6%, why isn’t rape being prioritised over prostitution?  Given recent public condemnation of police widely abusing their powers under anti-terrorism legislation to target peaceful protesters and others, why is this protection against any false arrest being removed?

CLAUSE 21: Extending closure orders to brothels.

 

Closure Orders are already being brought against premises where drug use or “disorder or nuisance” are alleged based on “tenuous evidence in which hearsay evidence is admissible.” (See briefing by Release). 

 

In February, we won a rare victory against a Closure Order.  Police claimed that women in two flats in Soho encouraged anti-social behaviour.  When examined in court, the police case was based on ONE third hand anonymous hearsay claim.  We countered with evidence from local people who appeared in person in court and prevented women being evicted from the safety of their flats.  This case exposed the shameful flimsiness of evidence commonly used to close premises.  http://www.prostitutescollective.net/soho_raids_evening_standard_feb18.htm

 

The police expect most sex workers to be unable to come forward for fear of exposure and most magistrates to rubber stamp their action.  Instead of protecting the right to a fair trial, the Bill would lower the evidence threshold even further. 

The new clauses would remove the need for anti-social behaviour to be proved.  Where the police believe that certain offences are being committed or “will be committed” including “causing, inciting and/or controlling prostitution for gain” they can close premises and the occupants must, within 48 hours, go to court to defend the closure.  Few people would even be able to get legal representation in this time.  “Controlling” is already being used to criminalise women working independently, collectively and consensually especially where there is a receptionist for protection.  Women will be thrown out of premises where it is 10 times safer to work than the street. 

Criminalisation breaks up families. Mothers end up in jail separated from their children, with disastrous consequences first of all for the children.

Criminalisation makes sex workers more vulnerable to violence preventing women coming forward to report abuse.  Recent research from Vancouver found that: "The persistent relationship between enforcement of prostitution and drug use policies (e.g. confiscation of drug use paraphernalia without arrest, and enforced displacement to outlying areas) suggests that criminalization may enhance the likelihood of violence against street-based female sex workers."[1]

 

CLAUSE 27:  Lap-dancing to be reclassified as “sex encounter establishments”. 

 

This would increase the cost of licensing and the stigma. Lap-dancers have described working collectively with other women with good safety systems, and earning more than they would in other jobs. Is this what the government finds objectionable?

 

 

PROCEEDS OF CRIME

 

Police and prosecutors have a vested interest in raiding brothels and prosecuting sex workers.  This corrupting of the police has wide implications for all policing and prosecutions. 

Since the Proceeds of Crime Act, raids have become profitable: the police keep 25% of any assets confiscated both at the time and from subsequent prosecutions (50% of any cash found on the premises); the Crown Prosecution Service keeps another 25%; and the Inland Revenue the rest.  We have reported to the police and CPS that it has become common for police to seize any money found on premises they raid, even if no one is charged.  The money is rarely returned as police take advantage of sex workers’ reluctance to go public.  Women who have worked for years to put money aside lose not only their livelihood but their home, car, life savings, jewellery, etc.  This theft by law enforcement is the worst form of pimping.

 

We believe it is a main reason why anti-prostitution raids and prosecutions are now high up on the police and government agenda.  Government figures provided in response to questions by Lord Faulkner show a marked increase in prosecutions for controlling prostitution and brothel-keeping – neither offence requires force or coercion to be proved and are used primarily against women working consensually and collectively from premises.

The new clauses allow property to be seized before a person is charged where “a criminal investigation has started . . . and there is reasonable cause to believe that the alleged offender has benefited from his criminal conduct”.  They also expand the definition of an “appropriate officer” to implement these powers to include for example “an accredited financial investigator”.

SUMMARY

 

The Safety First Coalition agrees with the English Collective of Prostitutes that forcing prostitution further underground endangers lives.  Safety First includes anti-poverty campaigners, church people & residents from Ipswich & elsewhere, the Royal College

of Nursing, the National Association of Probation Officers, members of the medical & legal professions, prison reformers, sex worker & drugs rehabilitation projects.  If prostitution is forced further underground women will be exposed to greater dangers and be less able to come forward to get help.  See separate quotes from members of Safety First.

The Policing and Crime Bill is going through Parliament at the same time as the Welfare Reform Bill which will have a devastating impact on women and what’s left of the Welfare State.  As the economic recession hits, more women, especially mothers, are likely to resort to prostitution to support their families.  Together these Bills are legislating for destitution and prostitution, and therefore the criminalisation of many more women and the neglect of many more children.  

 

New Zealand successfully decriminalised all prostitution, both indoors and on the street, six years ago.  There has been no increase in prostitution and women find it safer.  Why isn’t New Zealand being followed?

 

 * * * * * * * * *

 

The English Collective of Prostitutes and the Safety First Coalition can be contacted at:

230a Kentish Town Road, London, NW5 2AB, Tel: 020 7482 2496, 07811 964 171 ecp@allwomencount.net   www.prostitutescollective.net

 

_____________________________________________________________________________

 

KEY FACTS ON WOMEN’S SAFETY AND LEGAL RIGHTS

 

Whatever you may think of prostitution, please look at the measures in this Bill from the point of view of women’s safety and of legal rights.  It has been claimed that ‘tackling the demand’ by criminalising men who buy sexual services will increase safety, and the spectre of trafficking has been used to stifle debate and hide the evidence that points to the contrary. 

 

1.      Distinguished organisations like the Royal College of Nursing and Women Against Rape oppose criminalisation on grounds of health and safety.  Their views are critical given that they are independent of government and their members deal with concrete situations involving health and safety.  The RCN voted to decriminalise by a staggering 93%.  Women Against Rape makes a clear distinction between “rape and consenting sex (whether in a relationship, casual or paid for)” and opposes the criminalisation of clients: http://www.womenagainstrape.net

 

2.      Over 82 organisations and prominent individuals have signed the Safety First Coalition petition against criminalisation.  List of names: http://www.prostitutescollective.net/PolicingandCrimeHowToOppose.htm

 

3.      An opinion poll carried out over the weekend found that 2/3 of the UK population support decriminalisation on grounds of safety.

 

4.      A thorough Guardian investigation has exposed the trafficking figures used by the government as grossly inflated and fabricated, much like the intelligence on WMD.  http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2009/oct/20/trafficking-numbers-women-exaggerated 

 

5.      Reliable academic research newly published confirms that the great majority of women (and men) involved in prostitution in the UK have not been trafficked.  http://www.londonmet.ac.uk/research-units/iset/projects/esrc-migrant-workers.cfm

 

6.      Sweden is a false analogy.  The example of Sweden has been widely used to claim that criminalising clients has reduced prostitution there and increased safety.  This is a false analogy since Sweden has criminalised clients but not sex workers, while the Policing and Crime Bill would further criminalise sex workers as well as clients.  There is evidence that in Sweden prostitution has been forced underground via the internet and other means, and that women are in more danger.  http://www.allwomencount.net/EWC%20Sex%20Workers/SwedenhasnNoMadeItSafer.htm

 

7.      Evidence from the US where both sex workers and clients are criminalised, has not even been considered.  It indicates high levels of violence against women.  Findings from New York (a city more like London than Stockholm in terms of size) show widespread violence against women, including from law enforcement.  80% of street workers and 46% of indoor workers experienced violence or threats; 27% of street workers and 14% of indoor workers at the hands of police.  http://www.urbanjustice.org/pdf/publications/RevolvingDoorExecSum.pdf and http://www.urbanjustice.org/pdf/publications/BehindDoorsExecSum.pdf

 

8.      Evidence from New Zealand which decriminalised six years ago with good results for women’s safety and no increase in prostitution, has been totally ignored.  http://www.justice.govt.nz/policy-and-consultation/legislation/prostitution-law-review-committee/publications/plrc-report/report-of-the-prostitution-law-review-committee-on-the-operation-of-the-prostitution-reform-act-2003

 

9.      Those who are pressing for criminalisation totally ignore the reality of women’s lives and the impoverishment and lack of choices that many are up against, especially during the recession.  They use flawed trafficking statistics to justify measures which target anyone involved in prostitution, whether or not there is force or coercion.  Given the lack of jobs and the low wages pushing so many people into poverty, and combined with the Welfare Reform Bill also going through parliament which abolishes Income Support, criminalisation will have a devastating effect, first of all on women and their families.  They would drive prostitution further underground and sex workers into even more danger. 

 

10.  Criminal records trap women in prostitution, making it harder to get other jobs. 

 

11.  As a result of widespread public opposition, the government was forced to amend the offence which criminalised clients but nothing has been said about the continuing raids, prosecutions and convictions against women who are working collectively and independently, and usually discreetly.  This shows the government is not really concerned about women’s safety.

 

FACTS ON TRAFFICKING YOU SHOULD KNOW

 

1.      The UK charge of trafficking for prostitution, unlike trafficking for any other industry, does not require force or coercion.  This enables every woman with a foreign accent to be falsely labelled a victim of trafficking! 

 

2.      Figures which claim that “80% of women working in the sex industry in the UK have been trafficked” have been thoroughly discredited, most recently by an extensive investigation in the Guardian: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2009/oct/20/trafficking-numbers-women-exaggerated.

 

3.      In response to questions by John McDonnell MP, the Home Office claims that 4,000 women are trafficked into the UK a year. But this research is based on incredulous claims such as: “every single foreign woman in the ‘walk-up’ flats in Soho had been smuggled into the country and forced to work as a prostitute.”[2] This would come as a surprise to the over 60 women who work in walk-up flats in Soho who regularly attend our meetings, do interviews with the press, meet parliamentarians and who describe their situation as mothers supporting families or working to send money back home.

 

4.      Information that the phones at the UK Trafficking Centre are answered by immigration officers indicates that far from providing protection anti-trafficking initiatives are primary aimed at the targeting and deportation of immigrant women.

 

5.      Victims of trafficking are not being helped.  Despite government claims about prioritising trafficking, most victims get no protection.  In the last few weeks the Guardian exposed that 77 suspected child victims of trafficking went missing from a local authority care home over a period of two years.  Only four children have been found and there have been no prosecutions.  A surveillance operation at the home was cancelled, and despite it being known that children were disappearing more young people kept on being sent there.  What does this say about the priority given to cases of trafficking where harm may be occurring that resources couldn’t be found to place two officers outside the home to stop the children disappearing?  What does it say about the immigration authorities which worked hand in hand with the police and kept sending children there?  These children would not be better protected with the measures in the Bill. 

 


 

Evidence from different countries

 

Scotland

Since clients were criminalised in October 2007, the number of assaults on sex workers has soared.  Attacks reported to one project have almost doubled from 66 in 2006 to 126 last year, including eight reported rapes and 55 violent assaults.  The Scotsman 18 April 2008.

 

Sweden

There are few similarities between the UK and Sweden.  Stockholm has a total urban area of only 1,252,020.  Sweden criminalised men who buy sex in 1999.  Sex workers were decriminalised but there is no proposal to do that in the UK.  Claims that by reducing “demand” both trafficking and prostitution are reduced are countered by sex workers.[3] (http://www.sans.nu/sans_eng.htm) who report that the industry is just less visible, more mobile (many women have moved to border towns) and therefore less safe.  Whatever is claimed about the reduction in numbers there is no evidence of an improvement in safety or welfare for sex workers.

 

United States

A much closer comparison can be made between the UK and the US.  In the US both the selling and buying of sex is criminalised but there has been no reduction in prostitution or improvement in rights or safety for sex workers.  Recent research from New York makes harrowing reading: 80% of street workers and 46% of indoor workers experienced violence or threats in the course of their work.  More worryingly, 27% of street workers and 14% of indoor workers had experienced violence at the hands of police and 16% of indoor workers had been involved in sexual situations with the police.  http://www.urbanjustice.org/pdf/publications/RevolvingDoorExecSum.pdf and http://www.urbanjustice.org/pdf/publications/BehindDoorsExecSum.pdf

 

Commenting on the impact of US anti-trafficking law, Ann Jordan, Director of the Initiative against Trafficking in Persons Global Rights, testified before the US House of Representatives in March 2007 “over the last six years, the broad scope of the U.S. anti-trafficking policy has been gradually narrowed to fit an anti-prostitution agenda that is based on the unproven belief that all prostitution (even legal prostitution in Nevada) is trafficking, and so criminalizing prostitution, as well as clients, is promoted as a purported means to stop prostitution and to stop trafficking for prostitution.  Jordan expressed concern that the US anti-prostitution campaign envisioned within the 2005 US Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act encroaches upon anti-trafficking enforcement activities and may well divert federal funding, investigators and prosecutors and badly-needed anti-trafficking resources to non-trafficking prostitution activities, potentially leaving traffickers free to operate with impunity and contributing to the stigma suffered by persons in the sex sector.[4]

 

India

The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Bill was recently defeated on the grounds that it “would have further stigmatized sex workers by criminalizing the purchase of sexual services.” Sex workers who vehemently opposed these measures, because it would “violate their human rights” commented: “While the political appeal of criminalizing clients of sex workers is clear, there is no evidence from any country that this is an effective strategy for preventing violence against sex workers.”[5]

 

Cambodia

Under pressure from the United States, Cambodia outlawed prostitution in February this year.  Under the new law, the Suppression of Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation Law, brothels have closed or gone underground, along with bars, karaoke clubs and street areas.  “Hundreds of women have been arrested, jailed or displaced, while dozens have been raped and beaten by police and prison guards.  The HIV prevention and care programs that were working have collapsed.  The law encourages trafficking and exploitation because it makes sex workers easier prey: the workers can no longer seek clients in public and must depend upon others to introduce them.” Account & video: http://www.blip.tv/file/953418/

 

Canada

Recent research from Vancouver found that: "The persistent relationship between enforcement of prostitution and drug use policies (e.g. confiscation of drug use paraphernalia without arrest, and enforced displacement to outlying areas) suggests that criminalization may enhance the likelihood of violence against street-based female sex workers."[6]

 

New Zealand

In 2003, the New Zealand Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) decriminalised prostitution of persons over 18 on grounds of "sex workers' human rights, protection from exploitation and promotion of occupational health and safety".  The June 2008 PRA statutory five year review concluded that: 

 

“The PRA has been in force for five years. During that time, the sex industry has not increased in size, and many of the social evils predicted by some who opposed the decriminalisation of the sex industry have not been experienced. On the whole, the PRA has been effective in achieving its purpose, and the Committee is confident that the vast majority of people involved in the sex industry are better off under the PRA than they were previously.”

 

Findings of New Zealand’s PRA report:

§         There has been no rise in numbers of women working, including of young people who feel able to contact agencies for help. 

§         Sex workers are more likely to report incidents of violence to the police and other agencies. This was particularly true for the street workers.

§         There has been a change of attitude by members of the police. Some individual officers and some police districts have gone out of their way to work with the sex industry, with Christchurch being the obvious example. However, stigmatisation still plays a key role in the non-reporting of incidents. This is the inevitable result of years of the sex industry operating illegally, with the police seen as posing a threat rather than offering protection.

§         Judges have ruled that sex workers are entitled to expect the same protection under the law as anyone else.

§         Attacks are cleared up more quickly as women are more likely to come forward with information without fear of arrest, making all women safer.

§         Women find it easier to leave prostitution as convictions have been cleared from their records. 

§         It is easier for sex workers to refuse to have sex with a client.

§         Brothel owners are more supportive and less coercive to employees. 

 

The Council of Europe recommends that member states:

“ . . . refrain from criminalising and penalising prostitutes . . . respect the right of prostitutes who freely choose to work as prostitutes to have a say in any policies at national, regional and local level  . . . ensure . . . access to safe sexual practices and enough independence to impose these on their clients”.[7]

 

The recent UN Report of the Commission on AIDS in Asia noted that sex workers are part of the solution to preventing the spread of HIV, and advised countries to "avoid programs that accentuate AIDS-related stigma and can be counterproductive. Such programs may include ‘crack-downs' on red-light areas and arrest of sex workers."

 

  


[1] "Prevalence and structural correlates of gender based violence among a prospective cohort of female sex workers" Kate Shannon, assistant professor, T Kerr, assistant professor, S A Strathdee, professor and chair, J Shoveller, professor, J S Montaner, professor and director, M W Tyndall, associate professor, BMJ 2009; 339:b2939, bmj.com

 

[2] “Three years after the Kelly/Regan work was published, in 2003, a second team of researchers was commissioned by the Home Office to tackle the same area. They, too, were forced to make a set of highly speculative assumptions: that every single foreign woman in the "walk-up" flats in Soho had been smuggled into the country and forced to work as a prostitute; that the same was true of 75% of foreign women in other flats around the UK and of 10% of foreign women working for escort agencies. Crunching these percentages into estimates of the number of foreign women in the various forms of sex work, they came up with an estimate of 3,812 women working against their will in the UK sex trade.  The researchers ringed this figure with warnings. The data, they said, was "very poor" and quantifying the subject was "extremely difficult". Their final estimate was "very approximate", "subject to a very large margin of error" and "should be treated with great caution" and the figure of 3,812 ‘should be regarded as an upper bound’.” “Prostitution and trafficking – the anatomy of a moral panic”, Guardian, 20 October

  

[3] “Those who are worst afflicted are unfortunately the most vulnerable sexworkers, the street prostitutes, addicts and sexworkers from other countries.  On the streets the negotiations must happen a lot faster than before since the police can be around the corner. … it is therefore hard to do a correct risk assessment . . . if a customer meets a sexworker that he/she suspects is the victim of sexual trafficking, that person is today scared of going to the police. Before you could obtain evidence against traffickers and pimps based on customer’s testimony.” (http://www.sans.nu/sans_eng.htm)

 

[4] “Human Trafficking, Sex Work Safety and the 2010 Games”, June 10, 2009. Sex Industry Worker Safety Action Group, Canada.

 

[5] Indian Sex Workers Fight Penalization, by Meena Seshu on March 3, 2009, Asia, Sex Work

 

[6] "Prevalence and structural correlates of gender based violence among a prospective cohort of female sex workers" Kate Shannon, assistant professor, T Kerr, assistant professor, S A Strathdee, professor and chair, J Shoveller, professor, J S Montaner, professor and director, M W Tyndall, associate professor, BMJ 2009; 339:b2939, bmj.com

[7] Assembly debate on 4 October 2007 (35th Sitting) (see Doc. 11352, report of the Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, rapporteur: Mr Platvoet). Text adopted by the Assembly on 4 October 2007 (35th Sitting).